The first experiment overthrow of Peron's popular nationalist involved the closure of a historical cycle. Since then ensued a period commonly referred to as "tie" between forces, alternatively able to veto other projects, but without the resources to impose themselves durably.
The "political stalemate" was reflected in periodic cycles economic crisis. Economic power was shared between the agrarian bourgeoisie Pampas (provider of foreign exchange and thus master of the situation in times of external crisis) and the industrial bourgeoisie, totally geared towards the domestic market. The partnerships would be established whichever is the cycle time.
Until 1966 there was a series of efforts to destroy the Peronism to create a civilian alternative of majority support, but were unsuccessful.
Some who overthrew Peron wanted a country "without winners or losers" (As told to assume Lonardi), and believed that with time and democratic education could integrate into society Peronist. Unfortunately, that predominated were the most harsh and intolerant, the "thugs", who was sentenced to a ridiculous silence on the electoral majority, and that became a crime to sing the party up and mention the names of Perón and Evita.
The unspoken rule operative during this time indicated that Peronism was no rule or could occupy important positions of power. Who, for tactical or republican principles would lead to his return to positions of power, although were partial, would be displaced by the traditional method of critical changes: the coup. This is what social conflicts arising at the beginning of the report: military and civilian governments Peronist not seized power but could not keep the pressure Peronist, and these in turn could bring down governments, but could not take power. Added pressure as a factor for any ruling, constitutional or not, there was always the possibility of the arrival of General of his exile - according to legend, in a black plane - whose wide influence and political strategy could almost handle the situation as it wanted.
In 1966 the army under the command of Lieut. Gen. Juan Carlos Ongania, established an authoritarian rule "necessary" to eliminate inflation and restore economic growth. The strong resistance which the company opposed this program forced the military government to soften its position and spur an electoral solution. Although the 1973 election Peronism returned to power, was already fractured society and a serious political unrest persisted for three years, until finally the military junta led by Jorge Rafael Videla seized power in another coup in June 1976.
Aramburu and society desperonización
Lonardi's government was quickly replaced by the factions "thugs" of power, assuming the general president Pedro Eugenio Aramburu . His regime was an attempt by the ruling classes to "put its house in order, and recover, mainly agrarian bourgeoisie, to the damage they had caused Peronism.
With Aramburu ambiguities were completed. She underwent the Peronist Party and the CGT, and most of trade unions are banned Peronist symbols were arrested many political leaders and union and annulled the 1949 Constitution. After more than a hundred years that were shot for political reasons, a military-civilian uprising was put in this way. The Peronist could feel they had been thoroughly defeated.
as possible Trying to disarm the device from the Peronist labor organization, the Aramburu government laid the institutional basis for the process to be opened with Frondizi: the replacement capital work in industrial development, ie the dispossession of Peronist social rights based on capital accumulation and economic efficiency.
Frondizi developmentalist government
In 1958, Perón from Madrid, ordered his followers to vote for the radical dissident and developmental Arturo Frondizi, demonstrating strength even from exile. Peron was forced to make this decision, since it was doubtful that the Peronist vote back to white (after the Constituent Assembly of 1957 in which 24% of ballots were blank) at a time in which the authorities choose to govern for six years the destiny of the nation. On the other hand, the Peronist Frondizi seduced with progressive slogans and developers and preaching against the military government.
The military, led by then the most anti-Peronist, argued that the candidate had won illegitimately UCRI, since the votes were frustrated Peronist candidate informal military, the UCR del Pueblo. Since the inauguration of new president, the coup was already circling the heads of opponents.
After the Peronist period, the industrial sector had been made by small artisan shops capitalists and low efficiency and competitiveness, but high employability. Large corporations in the country, covering the fields of industry and public services were state property.
Frondizi developmentalist government implemented a plan to modernize the national economic relations and promote scientific research. In December 1958 he promulgated the Law on Foreign Investment, which resulted in the establishment of capital mainly Americans, more than $ 500 million, 90% of which concentrated on the chemical, petrochemical, metallurgical and electrical and non electrical machinery.
The biggest effect of this modernization was the consolidation of a new political actor: foreign capital based in the industry. The national industrial bourgeoisie had, since then, conform to its decisions and the traditional pampa bourgeoisie was displaced from its position of leadership, recovering half in times of crisis.
Other consequences of this plan was the concentration of investments in the Federal Capital, the province of Santa Fe and especially the city of Cordoba, which experienced a meteoric industrial development. On the other hand, variations in income distribution benefited the middle and upper-middle at the expense of lower, but also their superiors.
The growing complexity of political and economic structures moved to the old lawyer and political power and subordinated to a new ruling class, the bourgeoisie management, which began to form the new Establishment. Given this new situation, the union bureaucracy adopted a new position, nor fighting, nor official: negotiating. Since Frondizi returned in 1961 to control trade unions CGT, began to take shape within the current Peronist unionism "Vandoren" (by Augusto Vandor, leader of the powerful guild metal) was prepared to gradually become independent indications taught Peron in exile. Eventually, they considered building the embryo of a political-union able to negotiate directly with other factors of power (ie, without the mediation of Perón) style born British Labour Party in the 40s. All this meant that the traditional political parties were losing relevance as articulators of interests.
In these years of proscription and general decline in living standards of the working class was born the Peronist left, ie, those whose goals were Peronist socialism and popular sovereignty. This approach was not the traditional left, which remained hostile to Peronism, but through the radicalization of activists and peronization Peronist youth who had directed first to the right and the Catholic nationalism.
In return for electoral support received Frondizi approached the Peronist - granting a general amnesty, a new Law of Professional Associations, etc .- but foreign investment, seen as the key to development frondicista, smelled them delivered to U.S. imperialism. Contracts with eight foreign oil companies and the privatization of Lisandro de la Torre fridge overflowed the ire of nationalist Peronist, who felt betrayed. At the same time, protests were raised by the national bourgeoisie, who needed cheap oil, and feared that if Argentina allying not America against Castro, he would suffer the same policy of aggression to Cuba.
Given the growing opposition of the working class, with a recurring recession, and with very little room to maneuver, Frondizi was between the sword and the wall caved in to all military pose (restless the mobilization of Peronism) and first declared a state of siege and then the plan of repression Coninter to demobilize the working class. At the same time legalized the Peronist Party to compete in the 1962 elections for provincial governors, in which the Peronist won in five districts. This was intolerable for military, so they decided to overthrow Frondizi, igniting the fires of the most virulent anti-Peronism, the style of the '55 and '56. The ousted president preserved the sanity to save a shred of institutions designated as successor to interim Senate president, José María Guido.
Then there were clashes within the military, more specifically between the so-called blue and red, where they were defeated the anti-Peronist groups, pro-agrarian bourgeoisie had turned to Frondizi. After two bloody clashes, another generation was consolidated in the leadership of the Armed Forces under the command of General Onganía.
Given the need to give an institutional solution to the precarious Guido government in 1963 presidential elections were held again. With Peronism banned and only 25% of the votes, the winner was the candidate of the UCR del Pueblo, Arturo Illia.
Illia, the unusual Republican respect
President Illia recreated a model of government friendly to to the pattern of liberal democracy, inspired by the pre-1930 Republican image. In this sense, his administration was exemplary ruled without a state of siege and no political prisoners, guaranteed basic freedoms and even had arrests of national dignity in its relations with the U.S., as demonstrated at the time of the invasion of the Marines in Santo Domingo.
Thanks to a favorable international situation for Argentine products in the world market, Argentina entered a long cycle of recovery for a decade to eliminate the deficit in trade balance. While the government Illia did not stop these trends, not the impetus. This is what developmental sectors from the beginning he blamed the government radical. The new Establishment needed economic openness, capital accumulation and rationalization of the state above all republican legality. A military eyes and developers, the old party system was unable to fulfill these tasks, so that prepared the coup better planned and less violent in Argentina's history. Shaped public opinion for years before rising through intense propaganda activity, to identify the radical president with drowsiness and naps provincial parochialism, while ennobled the military as heroes of the epic technological and national greatness.
The Board dismissed in 1966 the president, vice president, governors and deputy governors, dissolved the National Congress, the provincial legislatures and political parties and replaced the members of the Supreme Court Justice. On behalf of the armed forces as president was filled by a man with a long Christian tradition and Western: Lieut. Gen. Juan Carlos Ongania. The military event was named the "Revolución Argentina", affirming on the consensus of some sectors in the resignation of consent most confused and in expectation of nearly everyone.
Argentina Revolution
Revolution was the continuation of the development project of Frondizi carried to extremes, caused the opening and the raising of capital for advance the process of industrialization and modernization of the production structure was established on an authoritarian state where they came together the political and economic power. The economic objective of Onganía was soon discovered: the consolidation of hegemony of large industrial and financial monopolies associated with foreign capital at the expense of the rural bourgeoisie and the popular sectors.
This situation prompted the Peronist deepen its division between those who wanted to resist the military and those who wanted to collaborate, the Vandoren. When they approached the government, Perón - from exile - encouraged the emergence of trade unions opposed to the union bureaucracy, as the CGT "of the Argentine people." So Vandoren reminded that without him, they were nothing. Having achieved its goal by the end of 1968, and for fear that the new labor union is disbanded, dissolved it. That was the tactic of "pendulum" in general.
In July 1966, a month after the right-wing coup, the RCMP entered the University of Buenos Aires and batons evicted, sadly, the episode known as the "Night of the Cane Long. " While in retrospect the event was not particularly terrible, (especially compared to the repression experienced during the regime of Videla), at the time permeated deeply into the students. Two years later, students were more politically motivated and establishing links of solidarity with organizations militant workers and develop their field of action in the external environment, mainly in the slums .
Despite having national and international economic conditions in their favor after the first three years, the Revolution Argentina was showing signs of failure. The most obvious was the unexpected social response to government economic policy that resulted in the emergence of urban guerrillas.
Guerrillas
The main causes that led to its origin and expansion were
The approach of the lower middle classes: academics Realizing that his problem was not so far from the proletariat (common economic problems by increasing the cost of living and transportation, rising unemployment, etc.) began to identify with them and look for links that would benefit both. Not only thought possible a better world left the university knew that as professionals, managers, economic planners, etc., Would be a good place in any socialist government.
Although the economic downturn played a role in the radicalization of the middle class, I agree with Richard Gillespie when he says that the social and economic factors were minor cases against the political and cultural. The coup de Onganía meant a violent attack on the middle class what he considered his private preserve even during the infamous decade, that is, universities, and the world of culture in general. The violent attack on university autonomy Onganía much to push the middle class youth to the armed opposition.
The fact that few workers integrate the guerrillas was mainly due to the action that brought about the demobilizing Peronism, which convinced them that their strength lay in the collective power industry and the unions, not firearms. On the other hand, lacked the financial resources to go underground and become professional fighters. The university enjoyed greater economic independence and have much more time to think and to devote to the demanding life of a guerrilla. No surprise then that the urban guerrillas are surfaced in highly urbanized and high percentage of middle-class people, like Argentina and Uruguay, affected by unpopular economic measures and the reduction of political and cultural freedoms.
almost mystical attraction that produced Youth General Perón from exile: Many of those who during the first Perón government were still children, found in him a model and spiritual mentor, the manager of a nostalgic golden age in which the people had been happy, compared to the sixties, the decade in which young Argentines found disappointment the political system in both its constitutional and de facto. In turn, Peron, through messages, supported a guerrilla organization in partisan activities and encouraged the "special training." As an example, an excerpt from his "Message to the Youth" 1971:
"We have a wonderful youth, that every day is giving unmistakable signs of his ability and greatness ... I have absolute faith in our boys who have learned to die for their ideals. "
The weakening of societal values relaxation of traditional moral and social controls: seen in events such as the doubling of violent crime in six years, a tripling of separations and divorces and the decline in entrants to the service of the Church. We must not forget that the entire planet lived a time of rapid change: the hippies, the Vietnam War (which was the first time that the world could see a war on television), the French May, etc. All these currents of revolution and counterrevolution drove the youth to take active part in something they consider fair.
social and political commitment of the clergy who took Latin in the late '60s: This small but active sector dubbed "Priests of the Third World," with its profound ability to preach in the lower sectors of society, many churches became centers clandestine meeting and affiliations. Catholic liturgy, on the other hand, acted as a sedative against fears of death that many guerrillas would feel, were presented as "sons of the people" who "fell" instead of dying, and those who were given the martyrs.
The cordobazo, Rosariazo, Tucumanazo, etc.: These spontaneous demonstrations by workers and students were received by the combatants as a sign of popular support for guerrilla actions.
of the guerrilla movements of the period, highlights :
People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) were arm arming the Revolutionary Workers Party. As Marxists, considered Peronism operation of the bourgeoisie gain time and delay the realization of workers' revolution. They had more affinities within and among the popular classes that Montoneros.
Montoneros: this was the main urban guerrilla force that has existed to date in Latin America. They were convinced that the weapons were the only means available to respond to "armed struggle the dictatorship exercised by the State ." Came to managing the Peronist Youth and the university and have the commitment of hundreds of thousands of Argentines in '73-'74 while closely impinged in power during the brief rule of Campora. Its dome was run by men from the extreme Catholic right, as Firmenich and Vaca Narvaja, who warned that their desire for nationalist and anti-imperialist struggle would be in vain if they failed the accession of the Peronist. Adopted their slogans and radicalized (Peron or death ") posing as the owners of the truth PJ. By its actions the masses accustomed to violence and revenge and formed a false image of Perón, idealized as a revolutionary, the style of Mao Tse Tung and Fidel Castro.
Other Organizations ended guerrilla Montoneros were merged with the Peronist Armed Forces (FAP), the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) and Descamisados, minor.
analysis at this point, it seems important to review the attitudes of Perón in this period. From exile reformulated his theory of the Third Position, linking the struggles of the Third World to get rid of imperialism and colonialism. At the same time, welcomed the Sino-Soviet split, considering it a "blow to international socialism dogmatic" in the USSR, and as a world trend of " varieties of national socialism .
course for each of those who pay attention to his statements, this phrase meant something different. Peronist Right interpreted as a National , brother of Nazism and fascism, while for the left was a "national route toward socialism." Either way, the left could cite many more signs that Perón had undergone a metamorphosis revolutionary in exile the right, as when he said that "if it had been Chinese would Maoist " or when he said " the only solution is to liberate the country such as Fidel Castro to his freed."
What Perón sought to demagogic statements was to give each sector a picture "spectrum" of himself. Everyone saw what he wanted to see: an idealized representation of the leader. So satisfying to all and kept his lead. This policy of incentives to both right and left seemed to be very effective in exile, showed its greatest shortcoming to the return of Perón, when all these sectors struggled violently for their recognition as true Peronist. This had to happen sooner or later, but I guess that Perón relied on his political maneuvering that would govern more years than he eventually chaired, despite his advanced age. It would be irresponsible of me to say without concrete bases Perón intentionally caused the radicalization of society with the sole purpose of regaining power, but the truth is not far from this.
Levingston and Lanusse, is the way to the side of anti-Peronism?
The appointment of General Robert M. Levingston as president in June 1970 was, to say the least, unexpected and surprising. At the time of his appointment, he was military attache at the Embassy of Argentina in Washington, and it was completely unknown to the Argentine people. Because of this lack of social base, and the opposition political parties presented him, he could not realize their "national project" of calling parties without their leaders, that is, the Peronist without Peron, free radicals Balbin, etc. Needless to say that the Peronist radicals demoprogresistas, bloquistas, popular conservative Socialists responded by forming an alliance called La Hora del Pueblo. This was the final Levingston government in March 1971.
To show the extent to which the Peronist had a distorted view of Peron in exile, it is clear that the Montoneros La Hora del Pueblo interpreted as a clever move by the leader intended to buy time Movement deepening organizational levels and methods of struggle for the next stage of the war.
The real figure behind Levingston was General Alejandro Lanusse, who was seeking an honorable exit for the military. Although the real project was the opening Lanusse progressive policy toward institutions under military tutelage, the threat of a revolutionary uprising - encouraged by Perón - forced the military to call free elections by March 1973.
Although Perón was offered as the only way of avoiding social earthquake in Argentina, for a residence clause could not apply for it. In its place was Hector Campora, who in front of FREJULI (coalition that gathered on the shaft to frondicistas Peronist, conservative folk, popular Christian and other groups) won the March 11, 1973 with 49.59% of the votes, on the radical formula led by Balbin.
Campora and the return of Perón
The May 25, 1973, while the center of Buenos Aires living a carnival party, Hector Campora assumed President's Office. After eighteen years of proscription, Peronism returned to power. Around the Congress more than a million people celebrated the departure of the military. In the middle of words and actions of the armed forces rejection and symbols of the American presence in Argentina, Lanusse was assaulted and spat. These memories of the "power of the mob "and anarchy were very engraved in the minds of the military, and recur in subsequent speeches Videla.
Montonero Campora recognized their contribution by giving them many of their leaders important positions in the government and declaring a general amnesty for all political prisoners imprisoned guerrillas. It also replaced the entire top brass of the Army, by the failure of the "honorable exit" planned by Lanusse.
that Peronism came to power, the continued arming ERP for the great revolutionary military struggle. The Montoneros, however, had achieved its main objective. Now began to prepare for the next national socialist fatherland, for what they thought inherit the leadership of the movement of Peron. Both groups, for different reasons, continued to expand their organizations.
The Peronist left and right fighting for control of political space
The June 20, 1973 Peron returned permanently. They were the circumstances of the ruling Peronist '46 to '55 or Perón's exile and mythical '55 to '72. The leadership remained, but the context was very different. Charisma should now be tested in the plain, in the midst of a society touched by recurrent crises and the culture of violence.
was observed in Ezeiza what would be a prelude to the bloody infighting that Peronism would live after: as they approached to receive their leader columns Montoneros, FAR and JP were strafed by members of the Peronist right (which later would form the Anti-Communist Alliance Argentina - Triple A), losing his life 25 people. Even though the perpetrators were known and even published photographs of them, simply Perón did nothing about it.
Perón won the '73 election with 61.8% of the vote. Immediately after his inauguration, the JP and the Peronist left in general, began to see as Perón stunned defending trade union leaders and Peronist right and punished verbally "Marxist terrorist and subversive groups" allegedly "infiltrators" in motion. The left stoically maintained his loyalty and discipline Peronist verticalism:
"Anyone who drives is Peron, or accept that driving or being out of the Movement ... Because this is a revolutionary process is a war, and although one may think different, when the general gives an order to the set [Movement], we must obey "
The Descamisado, No. 26, November 13, 1973
Peronist Left could not believe that Perón revolutionary thought they knew they had spent for other side. Began to fantasize about their "strange" behavior, attributing it to the circle of traitors and imperialist bureaucrats around him, led by Social Welfare Minister José López Rega.
López Rega was the person behind the AAA and others who recruited many policemen who had been expelled by gangsterism and reinstated before taking Peron (López Rega was himself a retired police officer .) In this "Death Squadron" experience gained after many of the brigades would integrate the process of repression. Only in the period 1973 - 1974 AAA and other commands fascists had killed over two hundred Peronist revolutionary, non-Peronist left-wing militants and foreign political refugees, and this was merely the beginning. No doubt that had never been able to achieve such deadly effectiveness had not been for tolerance and active command of the Federal Police.
In January 1974, and after several pro-right action of Peron, the Montoneros were finally realized his mistake:
"[Before return, we] hecho nuestro propio Perón, más allá de lo que es realmente. Hoy que está Perón aquí, Perón es Perón y no lo que nosotros queremos".
Mario Firmenich, enero de 1974, en conferencia ante la JP
En la reunión del Día del Trabajador de 1974 en la Plaza de Mayo sucedió la inevitable ruptura. Al salir Perón al balcón se encontró con un escenario que lo irritó sobremanera: los Montoneros, que sumaban dos tercios de un total de 100.000 asistentes, habían llenado la plaza con estandartes de su Movimiento, silbaban a Isabel Peron, and chanting verses from the type of "If Evita were alive would Montonera" and "What general (...) which is full of gorillas popular government" . Peron, furious, left his discourse of national unity began to pour diatribes against revolutionaries: "these stupid shouting" , "some beardless claim to have more merit than the [union leaders] who fought for twenty years" , "[members of the Revolutionary Tendency] are infiltrators who work in and that traitors are more dangerous than working from outside, not to mention that most of them are mercenaries working in the service of foreign money ", finally, did not conceal the true repulsion caused him left. The JP, in turn, responded by walking out of the Plaza, leaving it almost empty. Nothing could be expected that a Perón week later was personally welcome General Pinochet, who eight months earlier had overthrown the government Chilean socialist Salvador Allende.
The pandemonium
On 1 July 1974, died in office of President Juan Domingo Peron at the age of seventy-eight. His wife, María Estela Martínez assumed the presidency, under the leadership of López Rega right. Peronist front was further fracturing and guerrilla terrorism consolidated and enlarged. The Montoneros decided "return to resistance" illegal to reform society without Peron, finally abandoning the legal sphere. Since then more and more away from the urban guerrilla war ever closer to the ERP and political terrorism, the victims were often civilians who are members of the government or security forces.
In early 1976, every five hours committing a political murder and three exploded a bomb. This indiscriminate political violence to the guerrillas earned him the scorn of much of the public who sympathized with them when they were a young group that fought the Revolution Argentina and Perón's return. Similarly increased state terrorism, guerrilla action constituted a serious threat to broad sectors of society in Argentina and for security.
addition to political violence, the labor unrest was widespread again. Although strikes were prohibited, important sectors of the labor movement turned to them, as well as hunger marches, work to rule and street demonstrations in an effort to change the government's economic policy. With higher inflation than Germany in the period 1921-1922, and the brink of international default , constitutional government had lost control of the key variables of economic management. The power vacuum since the death of Peron afflicted the country, left the Peronist government incapable of providing solutions to existing problems, faced with opposition in him by both employers and workers.
Given all this, Videla led the armed forces acted wisely, without being involved until the situation deteriorated to such an extent that civilians were banging on the doors of the barracks. Thus tested the absolute bankruptcy of the constitutional regime and managed to support public opinion or resign before the military option again.
National Reorganization Process
The March 24, 1976, the military junta led by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videla by the Army, Admiral Emilio Eduardo Massera by the Navy and Brigadier General Orlando Ramon Agosti by the Air Force, overthrew the constitutional government of Isabel Peron in order to "end the misrule, corruption and the scourge subversive." Denounced the "irresponsibility in handling the economy, embezzlement, and public, Isabel Peron and his administration and the" tremendous power vacuum existing in Argentina threatened to "dissolution and anarchy." Unfortunately, most of this was true, and many Argentines believe them.
As in 1966, but much more severely, were dissolved Congress and the provincial legislatures, the president, governors and judges, deposed, and was prohibited student political activity and parties. The UIA, the CGE, the CGT and the major unions were operated, its frozen funds, and activities related to strikes and collective bargaining, declared illegal. Established military courts-martial empowered to issue death sentences for a variety of crimes and to prosecute summarily anyone who is suspected subversive. The official message was that only "the corrupt, criminals and subversives have to fear the new authority."
Since the oil crisis of '73, was on the banks of the industrialized Western countries, mainly Americans, many currencies that exporters of this product were deposited. These funds are to be provided, so that from the IMF created the awareness that was good for a developing country like Argentina to receive investments. Although political instability in the country only took out loans and debts, the military regime applied this recipe monetary fund. Through the indiscriminate opening of external tariffs, the declining purchasing power of the working class and the overvaluation weight (which hindered exports and encouraged imports), we proceeded to a substantial de-industrialization of the country, definitely favorable to foreign capital. Here is the main U.S. interest in overthrowing the Peronist regime.
A year later, even many who had supported the coup they felt alarmed at the deepening economic crisis and the harsh assaults on democratic freedoms that the regime inflicted. These two issues are related, and that to impose the neoliberal economic policy of Martinez de Hoz was necessary widespread repression, whose military concept of "subversion" was quite broad. In the words of Videla: "a terrorist is not only carrying a bomb or a gun, but also to spread ideas contrary to Western Christian civilization."
Armed Forces The methods were implemented to eliminate the subversion taken by surprise opponents and suspected guerrillas detained: secret concentration camps, torture centers and military and police special units, whose function was to kidnap, interrogate, torture and kill . The torture were common practices of the cattle prod, the submarine (diving), rape, and confinement with fierce dogs trained, until the victims were almost dismembered. Those who survived, once extracted all useful information, they were "moved." In a first phase, is transferred to the bullet-ridden, they were strangled or are blown. Later, for fear of international pressure for human rights, are the "disappeared" without more, throwing the Tues sedated from an airplane, for example.
went Repression mainly to middle management opposition organizations, such as shop stewards, who did the synapse between the dome and the rank and file. That happened to the Montoneros, whose leaders fled (many of the country) and left adrift of second-line characters. In two years this group had already been paid for essentially the accusations of ex-teammates. In the case of ERP, the entire structure fell apart, "disappearing" at both the militants as leaders, presumably less top-down structure.
Process military balance was, among other things, 30,000 missing, tripling of the foreign debt, high inflation, deindustrialization, sharp drop in GDP and an indelible history lesson.
In 1983, burdened by the economic situation, weakened by the defeat of the Falklands, and pressured by national and international public opinion, the military returned to civilian government in elections in which Dr. Raul Alfonsin won by the RCU, supported by the memory that the company was the last Peronist government.
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