Thursday, November 23, 2006

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The generation of 80

From Roca's presidency was gaining prominence a group of men, later identified as 80 Generation. This group gave ideological and political content to this time in Argentina's history, full of changes in all senses.

Eduardo Wilde, Lucio V. Mansilla, Miguel Cane (h), Eugenio Cambaceres, among others, were actors - from government, the book or journalism - a work made it clear that a model of agricultural exporter, closely linked to the British market and permeable a la inmigración.

Liberales, con puntos discutibles, creían que el manejo de los asuntos políticos se reservaba a una elite, a una minoría poseedora del saber y de la riqueza. Para poder entenderlos, cabe destacar el siguiente ejemplo. Cuando a Eduardo Wilde le preguntaron qué opinaba del sufragio universal, respondió que " es el triunfo de la ignorancia universal ".

Hubo entre los hombres de la generación del 80 espíritus religiosos y no religiosos, pero sin duda predominaron y ejercieron mayor influencia estos últimos. A ellos se debe la acción de gobierno y sobre todo el aire singular que took the time in Buenos Aires and Cordoba in particular. Perhaps they were atheists, but is more secure than they were just indifferent, because it implies disregard for severe internal commitments characterized his personality.

The love of wealth and pride of caste and it spawned the sensuality tempted the aristocrats of the modest Buenos Aires to the endless vanity that moved the rich bourgeoisie of London or Paris. Refinement in manners began to operate under different rules that had governed the life of patrician Buenos Aires, now altered by a mannerism that was born to translate village atmosphere of Buenos Aires fashions, customs and conventions of the major European capitals, then in the euphoria of capitalist glory.

The building of the Colon Theater, designed by the Juarez government Celman, symbolized not only concerns about the aesthetic enjoyment but, indeed, the desire to build the boxes to the development of a conventional existence the highest level of luxury. Julián Martel sought in The Stock Exchange reflect the Vanity Fair of Buenos Aires, and Lucio V. Manson gave the example of European elegance to adapt the framework of the ambitious city Lucio Lopez con ajustada precisión y acaso no sin melancolía, llamó La gran aldea. Esta actitud vital extrañaba, ciertamente, cierto desprecio por las tradiciones vernáculas.

Herederos de padres ilustres, creyeron merecer no sólo el prestigio que rápidamente conquistaron, sino también la dirección política del país - administrada por los jefes de los grupos provinciales - y sobre todo cierto diezmo que parecía corresponderles por derecho natural sobre las ganancias que el país obtenía de su ingente esfuerzo, obra ya de propios y extraños.

Pero la lucha por la riqueza no siempre adoptaba iguales caracteres. En la vieja clase de Creole workers in the new class of immigrants new to the country, and even the middle classes that suffered the brunt of the economic and living under a regime of instability, the struggle for wealth had some visible squalor refined spirits of the new oligarchy accused immediately.

Perhaps that was why its members were accustomed too early to assume that belonged to another class, another world than this of those who seek wealth in an uncompromising struggle through work. They did not need to descend to such things. They became convinced that constituted what remained of pure of pristine, in the country, and they deserved all because of this merit, that was not theirs, but determined by what had changed around him. The squalor of their own struggle for wealth seemed to hide. Gradually, they were the elect, cigars, in a society that had hybridized themselves, were the aristocrats, in a society where fast fading patriarchal sense of life and began to differentiate economic classes with increasing clarity.

POWER FACTOR

The preponderance of this generation their influence on political and economic developments of the time relied on the following factors of power:

· L grounded large estates (estates).

· to colonization, mainly linked to agricultural production.

· immigration, the source of manpower required for export economy;

· dependence commercial British interests which produces the country's growth out.

· The political monopoly exercised by the government of the elite.

With respect to land, leading researchers agree that " at the start of '80, almost all the land Buenos Aires had been passed from the hands of the same individuals . "

Overall, since the lease Rivadavia, did not change the system of land distribution that favored the landed gentry. In 1880, in the province of Buenos Aires, the land was held by very few. The Desert Campaign, conducted by Rock, involved the development of new areas that favored the middle class.

to 1884 in the province of Buenos Aires was only 25% of public lands.

The land was handed to pay for fiscal deficits and government Central did not intervene directly. By then the ownership of the land remained synonymous with political power. In reality, the earth reconcile the two interests: economic power and political power.

firm colonization was carried out by specialized foreign hand that directed towards agricultural production with different characteristics in each province. Santa Fe

colonization had begun in 1865 and was the most advanced. Later in the process of colonization intensified. This is evidenced by the second official census of 1895, a total of 9,837,000 ha. had been settled about 37%.

As for immigration is from 1880 when it begins the massive influx of immigrants. The country receives them with open arms, as the workforce in both rural and urban areas is scarce. Immigration thus plays a role out-standing economic, social and cultural as well.

trade dependence is linked to British interests because England is the main investor, buyer and seller.

British control is emphasized on railroads and meat trade. Railroads became true " exchange pathways that connect areas of concern to the international market with the port of Buenos Aires giving the image of a giant funnel that will end on ships overseas (export market). The political monopoly translates into a centralized power in Buenos Aires and in the hands of an elite, but within a political framework in which the ruling class makes its influence felt interior. This influence is embodied through the PAN (National Autonomist Party), which is a center of action of the bourgeoisie from the inside to balance the progress of Buenos Aires.

PROJECT GENERATION OF 80

This project was developed on three political events:

· The federalization of Buenos Aires;

· The Desert Campaign;

· The consolidation of the nation state.

President who initiated this period was Julio A. rock. The political threads will move the country was a pragmatic conservative, clever and cunning.

voting strength and political base of this generation, ably managed by Roca, will the PAN (National Autonomist Party), which was an alliance of leaders from around the country whose initial strategy was to balance the internal forces with the advance of the locals.

A Rock and its successors are interested in legitimizing the power and impose peace. It takes a State director and manager of transformative law, at all levels. It imposes a secularization of the State: Civil Registration Act, Civil Marriage and secular education (Law 1420), establishment of courts of the capital, code of civil procedure, Banco Hipotecario Nacional, the organization of national territories, law consolidation of public debt.

the ruling was imposed and the state is the dealer charges around it forming a sort of political patronage. Consequently, the support of the NAP was based on electoral corruption (fraud and falsification of the vote).

angered secular laws the sectors linked to the Catholic Church (Joint Education Laws, Civil Registry, Civil Marriage) and promoted arduous parliamentary debates and even the break with the Holy See.

However, this policy must be understood as an assimilation of European liberalism itself and also as a need to attract immigrants and capital investment that did not always have their origin in Catholic countries.

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